Author:
Fonet
Our proposition, which I will lay out in short here (the text of our platform has been submitted and it is already well-known), is based precisely on the rich European tradition of a comprehensive and democratic resolution of deep, long-lasting and difficult disputes within a state. The framework of the solution we propose seeks constitutional mechanisms and guarantees in the specific circumstances of Serbia and Kosovo-Metohija, in an effort to contribute to an outcome that will be not only democratic, but also acceptable for both sides, as well as lasting and desirable from a wider international aspect.
The essence of this proposal is that principles and concrete solutions, which we should figure out during the negotiating process, be not only included among the highest constitutional obligations of Serbia and Kosovo-Metohija, but internationally guaranteed as well. As I have already stressed, I am talking about that form of the constitutional solution for Kosovo-Metohija within Serbia that we call substantial autonomy. It would be guaranteed by the General Agreement and the Constitution of Serbia, which would contain its basic principles.
The general approach to the substantial autonomy illustrates well the way in which our constitutional proposal would solve this important constitutional question. The province would independently carry out the duties and tasks necessary for its internal economic, social and cultural development, and Kosovo could assume the greatest part of responsibility for its economic development and welfare of its citizens. As part of its independent jurisdictions, the province would have financial autonomy, which entails tax policy, public revenue policy, investment and expenditure.
According to this concept of dividing jurisdiction, those functions would belong to Serbia which, ensue from its constitutional structure. These areas of jurisdiction are related to Serbia’s role in international relations as a sovereign state, above all foreign affairs and border control. The function of defence would not be carried out in the province, because the province, as has been said in President Tadic’s speech, would be demilitarized. Serbia would keep a certain number of protective functions – in the areas of basic law, in protection of its religious and cultural heritage, and in the area of special customs inspection. Of course, it is understood that Serbia and the province of Kosovo-Metohija will make progress in the process of stabilisation and association, which means that we will be right in assuming that under new conditions of peace and security, there will necessarily be close contact when it comes to monetary and customs policy.
The aim of such a division of jurisdiction is definitely not to establish two completely separate, parallel systems of authority and management, connected only by the thin link of external borders. To the contrary, the constitution would establish areas of cooperation between Belgrade and the province with the aim to removing every obstacle in free movement of people, goods, capital and services. Apart from that, special forms of cooperation would be established in individual sectors such as banking and transaction of payments, harmonisation of tax policy, infrastructure systems and communications, which would substantially contribute to economic development and accelerate the process of European integration.
The constitutional jurisdiction of Kosovo-Metohija would be implemented by legislative institutions and executive and court authorities of the province. These bodies would be freely elected by citizens of Kosovo-Metohija and, in accordance with that, Kosovo-Metohija would get a parliament elected through elections that will follow directly. Because of the specific ethnic structure of the province, the parliament would have a guaranteed in advance number of members representing Serbs and other non-Albanian communities. When it comes to parliamentary decisions concerning the vital interests of the Serb community, including the adoption of laws in the province, it should be kept in mind that a decision may not be established if the majority of Serb members of parliament do not vote for it.
Other institutions of the province, the government and courts, as well as public administration, through responsible work should contribute to realsing the concept of substantial autonomy for Kosovo-Metohija.
Starting from the fact that in present times international cooperation significantly exceeds the usual international relations, and that international relations do not imply just the classic foreign policy, we consider that Kosovo-Metohija can and should establish international cooperation in all areas of its constitutional jurisdiction. Partners of the province in such cooperation could be states, regions and international organisations as long as international subjectivity is not required for such relations. For this type of cooperation with subnational entities, in today’s world of developed communications, and especially in accordance with the practice of European integration, we have advanced standards already. They concern not just mutual legal and contractual relations between partners in cooperation but also the obligations of the subnational entity towards its state.
The proposal of a constitutional solution for the future status of Kosovo-Metohija, which I have presented in its basic outlines, is as a proposal open in the highest degree. In case agreement regarding it cannot be reached, it can certainly be amended through consent, with new ideas and better solutions, which is without doubt the path towards the agreement we are seeking.
Mister Chairman, Serbia was and still is a reliable partner of the international community, represented by the Security Council and the Contact Group, in its efforts to reach a just solution, which would secure stability, prosperity and the development of democracy in the province and in Serbia. It must be clear to everyone that a compromise solution is also in the vital interest of stability and the future of democratic order in the Balkans. I am convinced, that it is most important that any thought of committing any form of violence, physical or legal, should be firmly excluded, and the international community is mainly responsible that this should not occur. The solution, clearly put, lies in respecting the principles of international law, basic justice and, obviously, in giving due importance to the basic interests of Serbs as well as ethnic-Albanians in the province. I want to assure all present that Serbia has enough experience in state-building that it can as a European democratic state accept and provide the widest degree of autonomy to the province. It also has enough state-building experience to not allow that which not a single European democracy will allow, and that is the creation of another state on its territory.
Mister Chairman, the purpose behind my speech is above all to clearly convey that Serbia is ready for agreement and a compromise solution. We see that as the only way because we are aware of the fact that any other way would inevitably create deeper long-term problems. Talks, I am convinced, have finally begun in earnest and it is most important that after today’s extraordinarily important exchange on positions, the upcoming rounds are carefully prepared. We are all no doubt conscious of the importance of time and the need, in the interest of all, to reach an agreement as soon as possible. However I call upon you to be cautious against consequences of senselessly short and artificially imposed deadlines. I am convinced that we can find a way out through joint good will and with readiness to respect principles of international law and fundamental democratic values. On behalf of the Serbian government and citizens of my country, I confirm that it is with such good will and such readiness that Serbia offers the chance of a compromise solution,” said the Serbian Prime Minister in his address.