On a proposal of a political solution to Kosovo-Metohija problem:
In a few days, and in line with the Resolution recently adopted by the parliament, the Serbian government will put forward a proposal of a political solution for Kosovo-Metohija as well as a proposal of a suitable autonomy for Serbs and other non-Albanians in the province, which would enable a higher degree of security and the return of displaced people. The government will push for this proposal very hard, with argument, and resolutely, as no other solution is good. I don't see why Kosovo-Metohija is the only place where autonomy, which is globally regarded as a democratic principle and the measure of democracy, should not be applied. Kosovo-Metohija is not some abstract society, inhabited by abstract citizens, and abstract ethnic communities, even though one gets that impression while reading the Standards for Kosovo-Metohija and the plan for their implementation. No. Kosovo-Metohija is a society where the Serb minority is endangered and which calls for urgent solutions to protect Serbs and other non-Albanians.
On the first version of the implementation of the Standards:
The Standards conceived in this way have nothing to do with Kosovo-Metohija's reality. Their very wording is a strange play of the present and the future time. Thus the section on the rule of law mentions the setting up of a police force in Kosovo, even though the mere existence of police doesn't necessarily mean that the rule of law has been established. Especially when we are talking about the Kosovo police force, given that some of them openly helped extremists during the latest wave of violence.
On what the government will do to ensure that the proposal for decentralisation is put into practice:
The purpose of the proposal currently being drafted by our working group is to reduce the matters to what is at present achievable in Kosovo-Metohija. We'll talk, we won't give any ultimatums, and we'll use the vocabulary of today's world, even if that vocabulary is loaded with empty or hollow words. But this government will not give up the idea to protect Serbs in Kosovo-Metohija through additional institutional guarantees.
On whether the Serbian government's concept of autonomy for Serbs is in line with the UN Resolution 1244:
It's fully in line with (Resolution 1244). I don't see how the concept of substantial autonomy excludes another kind of autonomy, autonomy within autonomy.
On whether one can trust the Kosovo government's pledge to rebuild Serb houses and churches torched on March 17 and whether the international community has instruments to ensure that the pledge is fulfilled:
Unquestionably, this is Kosovo authorities' obligation in the formal sense. Actually, there are two authorities in Kosovo-Metohija. The superior authority is the authority of the international community. A lesser one is the authority of Kosovo's interim institutions. If the lesser one fails to do the job, then the superior authority must take up the obligation. The problem is that a part of Kosovo's interim institutions and the ethnic-Albanian political leadership was connected with the ethnic cleansing that took place on March 17. It is unclear now what could be their motive to rebuild what was demolished and destroyed.
On the return of Serbs to Kosovo-Metohija and conditions that must be met to make the return possible:
Nothing significant has been done actually to help people return. The return has been talked about much, but little has been done to make it really happen. The idea was that Serbs should go back to Kosovo-Metohija only in case that their safety was guaranteed. And that is a contradiction in the international community's work - Serbs could not return to Kosovo-Metohija due to a lack of security, while the UN Security Council claimed at the same time that the security situation is improving in the province. The number of KFOR troops was reduced and checkpoints in certain enclaves abolished which led to new crimes. There has to be security for those willing to return to the province. At the same time, it is much more realistic to expect that people will return to rural, rather than urban areas. In reality, there has been no return to urban areas so far, which is not only a failure, but also a huge responsibility of the international community. The entirely altered ethnical composition of Pristina without a single Serb cannot be described as an achievement of the international community.
On running in Serbian presidential election:
I took a post that is completely different from the one I assumed after Oct 5, 2000. I was not able to accomplish part of what I intended because the authorities of the federal president are rather limited and the bulk of the powers are at the republic, rather than the state level. As the prime minister, I can do much more in terms of building and strengthening democratic institutions and the rule of law, encouraging independent judiciary and combating corruption. I am confident that I will carry through what I started as anything else would be irresponsible or unserious.
On the survival of the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro:
Following talks with Montenegrin Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic and Serbia-Montenegrin President Svetozar Marovic, I got the impression that there is resolve to meet obligations stemming from the Belgrade Accord and the Constitutional Charter, make the state union institutions functional and pass the necessary legislation. We have agreed that we are facing a task we must carry out and that all we are about to do will be beneficial for Serbia, Montenegro, and Serbia-Montenegro.
On Serbia's advances on the path to the EU:
When it comes to political orientation, we are on the path to the European Union. I believe that all political parties in the country and the Serbian government share the same position that Serbia's general orientation is not European but rather a strengthened pro-European. Naturally, we must meet some requirements in order to formally become a part of Europe. These requirements are not only European, but ours as well. All the laws that I have mentioned, the Standards, the strengthening of the rule of law in various segments of social life, all that is something that Serbia and the State Union need, regardless of their formal status within the European Union.
On the possibility that Vojvodina become another Serbia's problem
Such a possibility would exist if the issue of Vojvodina were decided by different extremists. However, the prevailing orientation in Vojvodina is different. With the adoption of the new Serbian constitution, the voice of Vojvodina will be heard and acknowledged. I think that the democratisation and decentralisation of power in Serbia, with an appropriate regional status of Vojvodina derived from its historical, ethnic, cultural and economic particularities, will yield a solution that will prevent Vojvodina from becoming another Serbia's problem, no matter how persistent, but not numerous, are those who want that.
On government's activities in stimulating economic growth
The new government was installed in office barely a month ago and it is difficult to make a significant breakthrough in such a short time. The main characteristic of the new government is its conviction that reforms cannot be carried out successfully if they are not legally and institutionally established. Therefore, we need laws. All government members have a list of laws that should be adopted. These laws will bring order into the state and all its segments, especially the economy. But in order to have laws, you must have institutions that pass these laws. We had managed to establish these institutions, complete them and set them in motion even before the new government was formed.
On capital investments to be expected this year
At this moment, we have an investment worth €75 million by the Ball Packaging Europe. We can say that the previous government prepared grounds for foreign investment. We can expect other direct investments in other fields as well, especially in the transportation infrastructure.
When the citizens of Serbia will start to live better?
All reforms would seem shallow if they did not lead to better living standards of citizens, of every single individual, especially of the poorest. That goal is achievable, and the government's entire policy and its main orientation, based on social dialogue, is to carry out reforms with the aim of making lives of Serbia's citizens better and safer. This society must be based on the principles of strong democratic institutions, the rule of law and social justice. In the countries where the poverty rate is so high as in Serbia, the social justice and solidarity must become integral part of reforms and economic growth strategies.