Author:
Tanjug
The Serbian government's official website brings excerpts from the interview:
Will Serbia offer new details within its proposal for substantial autonomy of the province which the other side might accept?
– First of all, as opposed to previous negotiations conducted by Martti Ahtisaari, who dictated both the pace and topics and where we did not have the opportunity to present our plan directly, but only to give opinion on the topics presented to us, the negotiating "troika" has a different attitude. They act as assistants in the process. We think that the topic of Friday's meeting will be the status and we already presented in London five topics for discussion.
Do you expect the Albanian negotiators to talk about the good neighbourly relations between Kosovo and Serbia. as two independent states, at the meeting in New York?
– I don't have information on their strategy, but from the media I hear that they want to talk about relations between two independent states. We have already said that the talks about post-status relations are unacceptable for us. These are not talks about post-status relations between two entities, independent or not, but about the future status of Kosovo-Metohija.
What will happen if the Albanian side insists on that approach?
– I hope that the negotiating "troika" will not allow that the negotiating process falls into crisis already at the beginning. Our attitude is that we have to follow the rules of the game – if these are talks about status, then we will negotiate about that, and not about post-status. The "troika" was given the mandate from the secretary-general to conduct negotiations on the status.
Is it possible that the Albanians might declare independence in December, according to the US scenario, and that they would be left 120 days for implementation of Ahtisaari's plan?
– The negotiations are supported by the entire "troika", and playing with the outcome of that process undermines chances of the talks and instantly kills the motivation of negotiators. That is a message I conveyed to my collocutors in the previous weeks and I will do that here in New York as well, where I will have around 40 meetings. Our approach to negotiations is constructive, and at the diplomatic front, we are trying to get support for our aim and that is for this process to deal with essential things. We don't want everything to be reduced to wasting time, after which a previously determined solution would be adopted, which according to some, is Ahtisaari's plan. The idea is to use this time to find a compromise. Everything that kills chance should be eliminated by clear, constructive, positive, but decisive diplomatic approach.
During your stay in London you pointed out the dangers that may stem from unilateral actions. Having that in mind, do you believe that the English may alter their stance?
My main message, which I think was received with understanding, is that if Europe and Great Britain support the negotiating process and the troika, then they should behave accordingly when speaking in public. It is a fact that there are variations in the EU as to whether December 10 is the fixed date for concluding the talks, but there is also a joint desire to do all we can before that date in order to reach a compromise. A pre-determined solution goes in favour of those who wish to fritter away the time we have until December 10 and then impose their solution.
Towards which countries should Serbia direct its activities?
The EU has 27 countries and is organised in such a way that they all have a nominally equal vote regarding foreign policy issues. That is why we are directed towards all of them. It is true that some countries are more open towards our stance than others, but we have no right to give up on any country. There is an open window there and, after quite some time, readiness to hear our arguments.
Are you an optimist concerning the upcoming talks on September 28 in New York?
As for the overall frame in which they will be held, there are reasons for moderate optimism. The compromise is far from realisation, but we are thoroughly dedicated to the search for it. Threats with violence must never be a parameter in this process. It must move towards the outcome which will guarantee long-term peace and stability in Europe and the Balkans.
Did the Serbian team hold a joint preparation meeting?
We are constantly in touch on a daily basis, all of the state organs. The team is composed at the highest level and will be headed by the President and Prime Minister. The delegation comprises the Minister for Kosovo-Metohija and myself, people from the Prime Minister and Minister Samardzic’s cabinets, as well as representatives of Serbs from the province.
What is the EU’s stance regarding the notion that the Security Council should be bypassed when resolving the Kosovo-Metohija issue?
A unanimous stance regarding Kosovo-Metohija is important to Europeans. Europe went through difficult years of dissension and it now pays a great deal of attention to the preservation of unity in foreign policy. This will play an important role in the Kosovo process. The stance on Kosovo has not yet been formed and it is not known which option they will choose to build European unity on. There is some empty space there; therefore we must be active, primarily at the bilateral level, in order to use that unity to out advantage. In the diplomatic sense, that will be one of the major battles.