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The Government of the Republic of Serbia

In the service of citizens

Respect for Serbs a precondition for negotiations

Belgrade, 5 June 2004

Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica said in an interview to Thessaloniki daily "Macedonia" that a division of Kosovo is not a solution to the problem. On the contrary, it would raise new questions and lead to overall instability in the region, since Albanians live in many countries, said Kostunica.

Respect for Serbs a precondition for negotiations

The Serbian government's official web site brings excerpts from the interview.

Cantonisation or decentralisation?

We did not give a specific name to our idea when we presented it in Brussels or in the Serbian parliament. What I was talking about is a necessity to create some kind of autonomy for Serbs and all non-Albanians in Kosovo. Names and terms are not that important. For some reason, the term "cantonisation" is considered dubious. I cannot explain why, because cantons have different forms. For example, in Switzerland they are a constitutive federal part of the state, while in Bosnia-Herzegovina, they are simply a type of region. That is why I say that what matters is not the name, but the essence. That is why we believe that Kosovo needs some kind of decentralisation. The term "autonomy" is perhaps the most favourable, since at this moment, Kosovo has significant autonomy within Serbia-Montenegro, in line with the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244.

What kind of autonomy?

Before determining the province's final status, we think that it is necessary that Serbs have autonomy there. That means autonomy within autonomy, because we are not talking about the protection of human rights, but the right to bare life. In Kosovo, the respect for human rights of Serbs and non-Albanians is in a great disharmony with European standards: people cannot return to their homes, there are many ethnically motivated crimes and no freedom of movement. The last one is the most serious for me. I cannot imagine that in one part of Europe people cannot move freely. That is the proof that situation there is now worse than during the Turkish Ottoman rule. Therefore, we are not raising the question of defining the province's final status or advocating ethnic division. However, there is the example of Bosnia-Herzegovina where the Dayton agreement imposed ethnic division - for some period of time - and after that, everyday, practical problem, began to be solved, such as return of refugees, property issues, freedom of movement. That is why we say that the municipalities with the majority Serb population should have a kind of territorial and cultural autonomy. To that end, we suggest that measures for the protection of basic human rights should be taken. That is the essence of our plan, which rests on the Resolution 1244.

What are the reactions of the international community? How did it accept your plan?

I can say that reactions were not negative. But the international community and Brussels show that they are afraid of concrete points of our plan. We have wasted many years without suggesting anything concrete. We do not think that our plan should be accepted at any cost. It is a plan that can be discussed, and is very different from the ethnic Albanians' plan, which consists of only one word: independence. We must not wait for years to resolve the issue of the province's status, but do something immediately.

Is it realistic to expect the talks on the province's final status to begin next year?

No. Dialogue with the international community should be established first. Something must be done before talks on the final status are launched. Even before March 17, I was saying that talks cannot begin that quickly.

Do you exclude the possibility of dividing Kosovo? The northern part to Serbs, and southern to get independence, or something else?

I exclude that possibility categorically! After all, the Serbian government and the parliament have a unique stance on that issue which is binding for us. I think that the division would not be the solution. On the contrary, it would trigger many new problems and lead to overall instability in the region, since Albanians live in many states.

On cooperation with the Hague tribunal:

I do not know how to answer to that question directly and honestly, without making a judgment on the fairness of the Hague tribunal's work…That is an imposed obligation. However, that obligation should not jeopardise the country's stability, which now needs stable institutions. We are trying to find ways of cooperation with the Hague tribunal, so that domestic courts could take over those cases as soon as possible, but jeopardising the country's political institutions. We know that there are many obstacles to European prospects of Serbia. The Hague is one of them, regardless whether that is fair or not.