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The Government of the Republic of Serbia

In the service of citizens

We need Europe's support

Belgrade, 3 May 2004

Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica gave an interview to the latest edition of the German weekly Spiegel, in which he spoke about situation in Serbia, cooperation with the Hague tribunal and future of Kosovo-Metohija. The Serbian government's official web site brings excerpts from the interview.

Vojislav Kostunica

Situation in Serbia:

Differences between political parties are normal in Western democracies as well. It is true that, when compared with other post-communist states, we lost many years due to wars, economic sanctions and isolation. But we inherited many problems from the former communist regime as well.

Cooperation with the Hague tribunal:

We have no other alternative but to cooperate with the Hague tribunal, regardless of what we or some international legal experts think about that court. However, we will fulfill our international obligation in the way which will neither jeopardise the country's political stability nor strengthen radicalism.

Law on financial assistance to Hague indictees:

Such a law exists both in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina. This financial assistance should encourage the indictees who are at large to surrender voluntarily. Besides, the outcome of the Hague trials can have a long-term impact on Serbia, especially concerning war reparation claims by Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina before the International Court of Justice.

Indictees against four Serbian generals:

We want to be given an opportunity to try them in our own country. Serbia has experience with conducting war crimes trials.

Work of the Hague tribunal:

It applies selective justice. Perhaps many years will have passed before we get the full picture of what really happened during the break-up of former Yugoslavia. The blame for that lies with communist oligarchs in the former republics, and with Europe for either encouraging Yugoslavia's disintegration, or doing nothing to prevent it.

From the present point of view, it is difficult to understand why the then Croatian president Tudjman or Bosnian president Izetbegovic have not been indicted by the tribunal. That is really strange: the Hague tribunal keeps some people in detention for years before trials begin, while it declares for others only after their death that they should have been indicted.

Expectations from Europe, especially from Germany:

We need assistance and investment, but first and foremost we need Europe's understanding for the process of democratic changes which now enters its second phase: strengthening of institutions in a strong law-governed state, with independent judiciary and resolute fight against corruption. To make up for the lost time, Serbia has been conducting these reforms without solid legal bases and in a revolutionary way. But in that way, democracy cannot be built.

Future of Kosovo:

A multiethnic community in Kosovo is not possible at the moment, but some kind of coexistence is. However, to achieve that, Kosovo needs tighter security measures and a suitable political solution. The problem would not be solved with Kosovo's independence, but a fatal chain reaction in the Balkans would be caused instead.

The Balkans must follow the path which Europe pursued after World War Two: keeping of the existing borders, real self-government and the rights of minorities, similar to those in Bosnia-Herzegovina.

If we do not want Kosovo soon to become as its capital Pristina is today, without a single Serb, the only alternative is autonomy for Serbs and non-Albanians, and their self-government. We are not talking about rights any more, but only about bare survival.

Talks with UNMIK chief Harri Holkeri:

We are trying to find a common formula in the talks with the UN administration in Kosovo, and later on with Kosovo Albanians as well. Everything else except autonomy could have shameful consequences both for us and Europe as a whole.

On possible decision of the international community to back the division or independence of Kosovo:

The international community administers Kosovo. It has greater authority there than Kosovo institutions and Belgrade authorities. In 1991, the international community also had greater power than then communist elite in Belgrade, Zagreb and Sarajevo, and it blessed the break-up of Yugoslavia with its decisions in Maastricht. Therefore, it holds the major responsibility for what happened after the disintegration of Yugoslavia, and will be responsible for the future of Kosovo.