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The Government of the Republic of Serbia

In the service of citizens

Difficulties in State Union are not insurmountable

Belgrade, 26 April 2004

Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica spoke for yesterday’s issue of Podgorica daily Pobjeda about the Serbian government’s achievements so far and plans for the future. In his first interview to a Montenegrin newspaper since the appointment as Serbia’s prime minister, Kostunica also expressed his views as regards the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro as well as the current situation in Kosovo-Metohija. The Serbian government’s official web site brings excerpts from this interview.

Vojislav Kostunica

On relations with the Montenegrin government:

There is no reason to begin this conversation with difficulties in this cooperation. So far, cooperation between the two governments has shown that there is a political will and readiness to tackle mutual problems respecting the interests of both Serbia and Montenegro, and, of course, the state union as a whole. I have to point out that the model of our state union is in itself new, and that we are facing dilemmas and even difficulties in its implementation. In my opinion, however, they are not insurmountable.

On cooperation between the two ruling parties in Serbia and Montenegro:

The Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS) and the Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS), which hold a significant share of power in the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro, also have significant responsibility. We know how important it is that the parliament of the state union become a fully functioning institution, and how important it is to pass laws and establish the state union’s court as soon as possible. In all these works, as was the case with the (recent) reshuffle of the Council of Ministers, close cooperation between the DSS and DPS is needed. This does not exclude, but rather calls for, cooperation between all parliamentary parties as well.

On respecting the Constitutional Charter:

I am known to believe that a law-governed state is our prime goal and that the country’s economic recovery is directly conditioned by the introduction of law and order in the state. This would be a daunting task, even if the situation in our country were much better and political stability much higher. The essential problem we are faced with is how to transform the inherited lawless state into a state of the rule of law without further turmoil. As we are faced with an array of inherited problems, we must resolve them as we go along. Sometimes fast, and sometimes slowly, but always careful not to endanger and institutional stability.

On the functioning of the Council of Ministers and the Parliament of the state union:

The parliament is above the government, and it bears greater responsibility for the state of the nation. For example, last year there was much talk about reforms of the military and civilian control, but the parliament did not pass a single act to regulate this field. That’s why it is essential that the parliament is operational and efficient and that crucial laws are passed. There aren’t many such laws, but they are essential for the functioning of the state union, a state union essentially different from the previous one.

On the concept of decentralisation in Kosovo-Metohija:

The problem of Kosovo-Metohija is very serious and it is now clear that Kosovo-Metohija today is a part of Europe in which basic human rights are endangered and where people are battling for their bare lives. There is a high rate of ethnically-motivated crimes, crimes against Serbs and non-Albanians to be precise. There is no return of the displaced, while several multiethnic cities have become monoethnic, including Pristina. The displaced are not returning to Kosovo because there is no security, while the lack of the freedom of movement indicates the level of insecurity in Kosovo. Since we have already reached such a disappointing state, that the survival of Serbs, Montenegrins and non-Albanians is in question, for us to be slaves to terminology and debate whether we should call it decentralisation, or enclaves, or territorial autonomy is the least important. Matters are very simple, because it is all about the basic need for autonomy for Serbs and non-Albanians inside Kosovo. What can be disputable in the utterly reasonable stand that Serbs, Montenegrins and non-Albanians should have autonomy within the substantial autonomy that Kosovo-Metohija enjoys under the Resolution 1244. We are witnesses that the word autonomy sounds nice everywhere in the world except when it comes to the survival of the Serb population in Kosovo-Metohija.

On possibilities to resolve the problem in the province:

The last thing Serbs in Kosovo-Metohija need are demagogic promises and false hope. What they, as well as all of us in Serbia-Montenegro, the region and the entire international community, really need is to face the reality with a cool head and to find a political solution for the Kosovo problem. When it comes to this problem, the most important political parties are acting responsibly after all, and there is readiness to jointly face the difficult situation in the province and patiently, in cooperation with the international community, seek a solution.

On the decision by the Supreme Court to temporarily suspend the implementation of the Law on assistance to those indicted by the Hague tribunal and their families:

First of all, I would like to point up something that is not unimportant at all, that being the fact that court decisions are respected in Serbia again, and that the government does not challenge them. Similar legal solutions do exist in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina, and they are based on the stand that a country should not be disinterested in trials of its citizens and former officials before the Hague tribunal. In as much as the outcome of those trials is not without influence on the outcome of war reparation suits before the International Court of Justice. The passing of the Law, despite all the objections to some of its solutions, was motivated by efforts to encourage cooperation with the Hague, and even to encourage those indicted to surrender voluntarily.